IN Brief:
- A limited return to Red Sea/Suez routing shortened transit times and released usable vessel capacity into Asia–Europe networks.
- A US Supreme Court ruling and temporary universal tariffs reintroduced abrupt landed-cost volatility for global importers.
- The EU’s draft “Made in Europe” procurement rules signalled stricter local-content and carbon requirements across strategic manufacturing supply chains.
February has, without question, left an indelible mark on the psyche of many supply chain managers. And, with the turbulence of recent years, that is no easy feat.
February began by delivering the kind of “good news” supply chain leaders have, rightfully, learned to distrust. On 3 February, Maersk and Hapag-Lloyd confirmed that one shared Gemini service — ME11 / IMX — would shift back through the Red Sea and Suez Canal from mid-month, under naval protection, after months of Cape diversions. It was limited in scope, but meaningful in signal: shorter sailing times translate directly into usable capacity, improved equipment circulation, and fewer weeks spent placating frustrated commercial teams.
That optimism lasted about as long as it takes to write a revised lead-time assumption into an MRP system. February ended with the Strait of Hormuz turning into the next practical constraint, as tanker owners, oil majors, and trading houses paused crude, fuels, and LNG movements after US and Israeli strikes on Iran and Tehran’s warning on navigation. It was the same old lesson, delivered with fresh urgency: chokepoints are not just a maritime geography problem, they are a pricing mechanism for risk — and the supply chain pays the invoice.
Routes reopen, but risk migrates
The Red Sea shift mattered because it attacked the problem the industry actually lives with — time. For Asia–Europe-linked networks, the Cape detour was not merely extra miles and extra fuel; it was a structural hit to schedule integrity and container positioning that bled into every dependent lane. Maersk’s own note on the ME11 change was explicit about the customer benefit: a “structural change” intended to improve transit times from mid-February.
The route had previously carried roughly 10% of global seaborne trade, which is why even a partial return gets commercial attention out of all proportion to the single-loop reality.
February’s problem was that risk did not retreat; it relocated. The Hormuz shock landed at month-end, but it brought immediate operational effects. Owners and charterers hesitated, cargoes were held back “for several days”, and war-risk and freight insurance was rapid repriced.
When supply chain teams talk about “resilience”, this is what they are really buying — optionality in routing, suppliers, and inventory, because the alternative is repeatedly discovering that the cheapest plan is also the most fragile.
Trade policy returns to the tender desk
If February had been only a routing story, it would have been relatively tidy. Instead, the month’s biggest procurement headache came from a courtroom.
On 20 February, the US Supreme Court struck down President Donald Trump’s sweeping global tariffs that had been pursued under emergency-powers legislation. The decision landed as a rare, blunt reminder that “tariff risk” is not solely a geopolitical variable; it is also a legal one, and it can swing quickly.
The administration’s response compounded the uncertainty. A temporary universal tariff was imposed under Section 122 — first set at 10% for 150 days, then raised to 15%, the maximum rate allowed under that statute absent an extension. Section 122 had not previously been used by a president, which is a polite way of saying everyone was suddenly reading the fine print at speed.
For procurement and trade compliance teams, the practical work in February was a deluge of scenario pricing and renewed focus on classification, valuation, and origin. Logistics UK’s response on 23 February captured the business mood — companies needed clarity on how the tariff would apply “in practice”, and whether existing sector arrangements would be honoured.
Brussels tightens the procurement gate
While Washington was improvising in public, Brussels was doing what Brussels does: building rulesets that will outlast the headline shifts from stateside.
In mid-February, the European Commission’s draft “Made in Europe” approach — framed through its Industrial Accelerator Act proposals — put hard edges on a concept that had previously lived in speeches. It defined the minimum EU-made content and low-carbon requirements linked to public procurement and certain subsidy mechanisms, aimed at strategic industrial value chains including batteries, renewables, hydrogen, nuclear, and electric vehicles. The detail shifts the conversation from political intent to measurable thresholds and enforceable criteria.
The draft then hit a snag in the shape of definitions. Disagreement over geographic scope delayed progress, because “local” is a simple word until someone has to operationalise it across multi-tier supply chains, contract manufacturers, and globally sourced components.
By late February, the lobbying began in earnest. The steel sector pushed to be pulled explicitly into scope, arguing that exclusions would weaken investment signals for decarbonisation and urging a narrow interpretation of which countries should qualify. That pressure is the natural consequence of demand-shaping procurement rules. Once government buyers start marking bids against content and carbon criteria, upstream sectors compete to be labelled “strategic”, and downstream manufacturers inherit the compliance burden.
For supply chain leaders, February was when Brussels stopped being an abstract horizon scan and became a bid-desk constraint. If procurement teams are expected to prove local content and carbon performance, supplier qualification, data capture, and verification processes need to be treated as core capability. The cost is not only in unit price, but in documentation, assurance, and the inevitable disputes over edge cases.
Commodity logistics shows the real bottlenecks
February’s other big stories were reminders that physical constraints still shape everything, even as the guidelines change form.
In Ukraine, Russian strikes on Black Sea ports reduced export capacity and pushed up logistics costs, hitting both grain and iron ore flows. Industry sources described capacity reductions of up to 30% across key ports, with knock-on impacts to shipping plans and pricing. Even when export corridors remain open, degraded throughput becomes a silent tax on buyers and a risk multiplier for planners.
In Brazil, a record soybean harvest overwhelmed inland-to-river logistics at Miritituba, with truck queues reportedly stretching as far as 30 kilometres as infrastructure struggled to keep up. It was a case study in how “supply chain disruption” often means nothing more exotic than insufficient unloading capacity, insufficient road resilience, and too little redundancy at a critical node.
Argentina delivered the parallel labour lesson. A 48-hour maritime workers’ strike, tied to opposition to proposed labour reforms, disrupted cargo vessel operations and agro-export flows around Rosario. For global buyers of grain, meal, and oil, it was another reminder that procurement risk includes labour relations — particularly when policy reform becomes the trigger.
Warehousing automation grows up, and cuts follow
Warehouse technology news in February was less about novelty and more about governance. Companies either doubled down on deployable automation or killed projects that did not justify the effort.
On 18 February, Amazon halted its “Blue Jay” robotics project after less than six months, saying that the core technology would be used elsewhere and staff redeployed. Few things indicate maturity in scaled automation more than a prototype project being allowed to die.
On the buy-side, Symbotic closed its acquisition of autonomous forklift developer Fox Robotics, disclosed in its FY2026 Q1 results announcement. The logic is that automated storage and retrieval does not solve the whole warehouse, and internal transport remains one of the ugliest sources of inefficiency and safety exposure.
In the UK, Ocado’s 26 February announcement of around 1,000 job cuts — framed as part of a drive to become cash-flow positive in the second half of 2026 — put a harder edge on the same theme. The company tied reductions to lower R&D requirements after completing major robotics and technology work, alongside productivity gains and a restructuring of its technology unit. Whether one agrees with the strategy is secondary; the signal is that automation is now being evaluated with the same discipline as any other capital programme, and headcount is part of that arithmetic.
Digital fragility and labour leverage
Two smaller February stories still deserve space because they map to recurring failure modes.
Deutsche Bahn’s booking and passenger information systems were disrupted by a DDoS attack and later restored. Operational rail moved, but the customer-facing digital layer — which shippers and passengers increasingly treat as the service itself — proved brittle under attack.
In the UK, employment law changes taking effect from 18 February altered the industrial action environment, with government guidance noting repeal of much of the Trade Union Act 2016 framework. This is not a month-on-month operational metric, but it is relevant for logistics and warehousing operators whose resilience still rests on labour availability and dispute timing.
February’s underlying theme, once the noise is stripped away, is not hard to state. Transit times can improve, even materially, but stability is being eroded elsewhere — by legal resets, procurement localisation, labour disputes, cyber disruption, and energy-route risk. The only comforting part is that none of this is new; the uncomfortable part is that February proved it is still intensifying.



